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Fujimori gave orders to get money from National Intelligence Service

May 4th, 2008 · No Comments

 Héctor Martínez Aloja.

April 30, 2008

Fifty-fifth session. Former military officials César Burga Colchado and Hugo Martínez Aloja testified. Both witnesses were presented by Alberto Fujimori’s defense team. Burga Colchado confirmed that the former president gave orders to military officials and Martínez Aloja denied having any ties to Fujimori, claiming he didn’t talk to Fujimori at all, despite being an official in Ayacucho, the area most affected by the armed conflict.

The most important aspects of the testimony:

1. Col. César Burga Colchado: Was presidential aide-de-camp, head of security and sub-chief of the Military House of Government Palace between 1992 and 1995.

Received orders from Fujimori.

At the beginning of his testimony, the witness said that he found out about the coup d’état on April 5, 1992 at home and denied that Fujimori had given any orders.

However, when he was read his declaration before Congress in 2001, the witness was reminded that he was in charge of security and that Fujimori ordered him to transfer the television channel (2,4 and 5) directives to the Army General Command.

Telephonic Interception.

Col. Burga said that he noticed the existence of a telephone booth from which telephonic conversations were intercepted, which he reported to his direct superior Alberto Ríos Rueda. However, Ríos responded that then President Fujimori already knew of its existence — in fact, the president had it put there.

Government Palace money came from the SIN

The witness also revealed that the money used by Fujimori in so-called civic action campaigns developed in the country’s interior came from the National Intelligence Service (SIN), where it was taken by presidential order. According to Burga, it was his superior Ríos Rueda who told him “the money came from the SIN and was collected by order of Fujimori.”

The head of the SIN at this time was Julio Salazar Monroe.

Montesinos in Government Palace.

Col. Burga admitted the antecedents of Vladimiro Montesinos, specifically his trials for treason given that they were public in the military installations until 1991. However, he confirmed that when he saw Montesinos in Government Palace he didn’t think it was necessary to tell Fujimori about his history.

2. Gen. Hugo Martínez Aloja. Was head of the Operations Division in the Joint Command of the Armed Forces in 1989 and 1990, and Commander General of the Second Infantry Division in Ayacucho in 1991. Before beginning his testimony, he confessed that he is currently being tried for various crimes against humanity during his work in Ayacucho.

Military chief in Ayacucho didn’t know about the anti-subversive policy.

Despite having a position with high responsibility, the general said that his command’s work was based on “Government  Directive 17,” the previous government directive. The witness, then head of the Military Command Policy in Ayacucho, didn’t find out that Fujimori had emitted a new directive for the anti-subversive policy. It is important to remember that Martínez was the head of the area hardest hit during the armed conflict, but now assures he was never informed of the new directives.

Witness doesn’t know who he praised

Regarding the praise he gave to five intelligence agents for their “special intelligence work” in 1991, Martínez said he didn’t know any of them. Among those given praise was Favio Urquiza Ayma, who was later sentenced for attacking a television channel.

He didn’t know about the selection of intelligence against under his command

The witness confessed that he did not know about the document from the Ministry of the Interior’s General Office of Intelligence in 1991, selecting an intelligence group for the Army Intelligence Office (DINTE) in Ayacucho.

“Fujimori didn’t even talk to me.”

He also said that while he was the head of the Ayacucho department, Fujimori made two trips there. In these two trips Fujimori took trips with him in military helicopters to various points in the department; however, according to Martínez Aloja, Fujimori “didn’t even talk to him.”

An army general who doesn’t know who he gives praise to and, above all, doesn’t know about the presidential directive for a new anti-subversive policy, raises eyebrows.

To date no formal announcement has been made by the Peruvian Army or the Defense Ministry regarding declarations made in the trial.

For the next sessions, witnesses Miguel Ángel Bernal Neyra, Rodolfo Robles Espinoza, Antonio Ketín Vidal and Julio Salazar Monroe have been summoned. 

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